By Hilário Chacate, Lecturer of International Relations
Maputo (MOZTIMES) - With the adoption of the 1990 Constitution, the Frelimo government recognized that the one-party model had failed and had not been able to solve the problems of Mozambicans. In addition to the fact that this political and economic framework was the subject of much protest, both domestically and at regional and international levels, it was used by Renamo as an argument to take up arms and fight the government that had conceived it.
With the constitutional reforms of 1990, many of Renamo's demands were not only integrated into the constitutional text, but also outdated, at least in their central aspects. In other words, the Mozambican government emptied the arguments justifying the war waged by Renamo. The 1990 Constitution, in addition to abolishing the one-party political system, created space for greater political inclusion.
It was in this context that the country started holding elections since 1994. With this exercise, it was hoped that, through universal suffrage, the people would be able to choose their leaders. In contrast, it was hoped that the electoral exercise would serve as a mechanism for distributing power as a resource in a competitive political market, in which various players set out their projects through their electoral manifestos.
Thirty years after the first general elections were held in Mozambique, instead of serving as an element of reconciliation between Mozambicans, consolidating peace, democracy and development, they have been a source of violence. With the exception of the first election in 1994, there is no record of any other election, of the seven held so far, that has taken place and ended without violence. At the end of each election, the opposition parties contest the results. They accuse the Frelimo government of influencing the results in its favor by stuffing ballot boxes and manipulating the institutions that administer the electoral process, namely the National Electoral Commission (CNE) and the Constitutional Council (CC). Venâncio Mondlane is one of the voices joining the late Afonso Dhlakama and Daviz Simango in contesting the election results in Mozambique.
It is in the context described above that, a few days ago, a journalist from one of the most popular media outlets in Mozambique contacted me. He wanted to invite me to take part in a television debate, which he thought would be very useful for the Mozambican society. The discussion was on the following topic: “Venâncio Mondlane calls for national peaceful demonstration: is it right?”
After some reflection, I concluded that it wasn't relevant or even useful for me to take part in that discussion. In my opinion, it didn't identify, let alone tackle, the root of the real problem behind the “rebellion” of Mondlane and his followers. Discussing the demonstrations called by Venâncio Mondlane, the military attacks carried out by the now-defunct armed wing of Renamo as a way of contesting the election results, the disproportionate use of force by the police in repressing the demonstrators, the pain, suffering and deaths that occur during election periods in Mozambique, the ineffectiveness of the institutions that administer the electoral processes, the alleged electoral fraud carried out by Frelimo, among other evils that result from these processes, has distracted us from the real problem. After this introspection, even though I disagreed with the topic proposed for the debate, I decided to join the panel discussion as a way of contributing to the deconstruction of the narratives and misperceptions surrounding the electoral bottleneck in Mozambique.
It is important to emphasize that Mozambique's historical journey as a state in search of its own identity has been influenced, apart from endogenous factors, by various exogenous interests. Consequently, many of the structuring decisions that the Mozambican state has taken throughout its history have not been spontaneous or out of its own convictions but have been imposed against the will of a certain elite. Tied to this combination of domestic, regional and systemic factors that shaped and configured our young democracy was a context characterized by a high degree of mistrust between the former belligerents (the Government and Renamo).
The Mozambican electoral model was conceived in a logic of partisanship, politicization and bipolarization of the institutions that administer electoral processes. This is the real bottleneck behind all of Mozambique's electoral woes. Until we solve this quagmire, we will sit through election after election witnessing the same shenanigans characterized by pre- and post-election violence.
With the introduction of multipartyism, the Mozambican state, instead of creating independent and professionalized institutions to administer electoral processes, opted for a bipolarized model that accommodated and defended party and political interests. Thirty-four years after the adoption of multipartyism, it can be seen with some disappointment that the members who make up the CNE and CC have never put the collective interests of the nation at the forefront, including promoting fair, free and transparent elections. Almost all the members who make up these institutions represent and defend, at all costs, political interests and those of the parties they represent.
To believe that these institutions with a history characterized by promiscuity between political, party and state interests can produce fair elections is a vain attempt to contradict a whole theoretical logic defended by the classical precursors of theories that predict that men in all their actions seek to access, preserve and maintain power.
It would be naïve to believe that in a game in which the protagonists are simultaneously both players and referees, one can expect a fair match and fair results. Unfortunately, this is the reality of the elections in Mozambique, in which the political parties running for office make up the bodies that administer the electoral processes in which they participate.
In light of this situation, it can be noted that the Mozambican electoral model, other than being obsolete, has never been in a position to produce consensual, fair, free and transparent elections. On the contrary, the way it is designed can only be a source of discord among Mozambicans. Furthermore, there is a widespread perception that the institutions that administer electoral processes in Mozambique, in addition to not being independent of the ruling party, have lost credibility.
In view of these facts, we cannot continue to insist on the current electoral model, which is completely obsolete, exhausted and discredited. We urgently need to reform the institutions that administer elections in Mozambique. Otherwise, we will continue to shoot in the dark and accuse the Venâncios of this life, Afonso Dhlakama, the police for repressing demonstrators during the electoral period, Frelimo for committing fraud, as well as Dom Carlos Matsinhe for announcing election results that were deemed fraudulent.
As previously mentioned, the CNE and CC need to be independent and professionalized institutions. For this to happen, it is imperative that these institutions are de-partisanized, disengaged from political and partisan interests and concerned with adopting better strategies to promote free, fair and transparent elections.
It would be equally useful for Mozambique to look at comparative law to see how other states in the region (such as South Africa and Botswana) and the continent as a whole (Cape Verde and Ghana) conduct peaceful and fair elections. It is important that the criteria for becoming a member of the CNE and CC are rigorously defined, in order to guarantee the selection of personalities with recognized merit and who place the State above political and partisan interests.
It is also important to understand that the context that dictated the creation of the current CNE and CC has changed significantly. More than 30 years have passed, and it makes absolutely no sense to maintain institutions represented by political parties to decide on games in which they themselves participate. If we still have any love for this country and if we want to save it from violence, pain, suffering, unnecessary deaths, hatred of some against others, disagreement, among many other evils, we need to have the courage to reform the institutions and create a CNE and CC that are professional and free from party and political ties, especially those of the party in power. (HC)
